Currently there is no standardized definition of an NTD
[51],
[52], and various groups have
applied differing standards in the classification of NTDs. Liese et al. summarized
two district approaches to characterizing NTDs, the first as “neglect as the
defining characteristic”, and the second as “the diseases' shared
features and their effects on poverty and development”
[51]. The latter of these two
approaches has focused on a group of 13 specific protozoan, helminth, and bacterial
infections that have a large global burden of disease and strong poverty-promoting
effect, and persist as chronic infections despite effective medical treatments
available
[53],
[54].
(Recently, proposals have expanded this list of NTDs to a total of 17 specific
infectious agents
[55]).
Focusing on the former approach, an important aspect is the direct role of neglect
as a contributing factor to NTDs. Previous reviews have described the impact of NTDs
on the “bottom billion”, i.e., the portion of the human population
living in the most impoverished conditions
[56]. Similarly, the “vicious
cycle” of interrelatedness between poverty and infectious diseases has been
noted by the World Health Organization (WHO)
[57].
A major component of the “13 NTDs” is the underlying high burden of
disease, both from a morbidity and mortality standpoint, as well as from an economic
standpoint. One estimate suggests more than 500,000 deaths annually as a result of
these diseases
[58]. The burden of EHF and MHF globally is substantially lower
(and in comparison to the economic impact of the 13 NTDs
[59], the overall economic impact
of EHF and MHF would be marginal in comparison). To date, approximately 2,300 total
EHF and MHF cases have been recognized
[3],
[60]. There are some data to suggest
this number to be a substantial underestimate. Serosurveys in central Africa have
reported the prevalence of reactive antibodies to EBOV in human populations to range
from 5% to 15%, implying a much high burden of infection
[61]–
[63]. Since 1976,
in large outbreaks of EHF and MHF, the time from initial cases to outbreak
confirmation has typically taken months
[35],
[64]; thus, it is likely that
smaller, brief outbreaks or isolated cases frequently go unrecognized, especially in
remote areas. During an intense prospective surveillance program from 1981 to 1985
in the Sud-Ubangi region of northwestern DRC, Jezek et al. identified a total of 21
EHF cases, indicating a possible ongoing occurrence of sporadic EBOV infections in
this population
[65]. Similarly, during an investigation of MHF in Watsa Zone
of northeastern DRC, which involved multiple zoonotic introductions in miners
working in gold mines (and some subsequent secondary transmissions) between 1998 and
2000, medical staff reported the disease as a locally recognized clinical entity in
miners, occurring as far back as possibly the 1980s
[39]. Regardless, the overall burden
of disease due to EHF and MHF is clearly dwarfed in comparison to those of the 13
NTDs.
In contrast, when EHF and MHF are examined from a bottom billion viewpoint, there are
multiple factors supporting the notion that disease, and particularly outbreaks, are
components of impoverished conditions. From a geographic standpoint, the bulk of
human disease has occurred in rural, and often highly remote, locations in the
central African countries of Angola, Gabon, RoC, DRC, Sudan, and Uganda
[4] (), some of the least
developed locations in the world (for instance, see ). As an example of remoteness,
71.3% of the Gulu, Uganda (site of the 2000 EHF outbreak), population live
more than 5 km from the nearest health facility, while this percentage is only
0.7% in the capital, Kampala
[66]. Although the global
distribution of NTDs is more geographically widespread, multiple NTDs also have a
high prevalence across this region of Africa
[53],
[56].
| Table 2Select economic and health indicators for countries with previous large
outbreaks of Ebola or Marburg hemorrhagic fever (total number of countries
which rank is based on). |
Further defining the association between EHF and MHF and impoverished conditions is
the observation that amplification of EBOV and MARV transmission commonly occurs in
resource-limited health care settings. In addition to transmission associated with
re-used medical equipment, many outbreaks involve transmission (sometimes with high
frequency) to medical staff caring for patients
[24]–
[28]. Because EBOV and MARV
transmission occurs through direct physical contact with an infected person, bodily
fluids, or through contact with contaminated clothes or linens, transmission to
health care staff and patients can largely be controlled through implementation of
barrier nursing practices for individuals with hemorrhagic symptoms and ensuring
that needles or other medical equipment that may contain contaminated fluids are not
reused.
Although EHF and MHF may not have the regional or national poverty-promoting effects
as some NTDs, the local effects of an outbreak on a village, town, or region can be
devastating. Tens to hundreds of deaths have occurred in previous outbreaks.
Additionally, these conditions are highly stigmatizing
[67]–
[69]. Sick patients, medical staff,
as well as those who have recovered, commonly face fear and rejection or
stigmatization from the local community. Furthermore, the long-term health and
psychosocial impacts of EHF and MHF on survivors can be challenging; studies
demonstrate post-infection sequelae, as well as prolonged poor health, among those
who survived EBOV or MARV infection
[69]–
[74].
The impact of EHF or MHF on local health systems can be similarly devastating,
particularly for individuals in needs of standard medical care not associated with
hemorrhagic fever. In the series of Durba-Watsa MHF cases associated with the Durba
mine in northwest DRC, the only physician available at Watsa (district) hospital
died of presumed MHF in 1994 and no physician was available in the district from
1994 to 1996. A second physician died of MHF in 1999, again leaving the hospital
with no available physician. Similarly, the medical director and 11 staff members
for a major hospital died of EHF in the Gulu, Uganda, outbreak in 2000
[75],
[76]. Beyond the
deaths of specific individuals, outbreaks have also had severe effects on the actual
functioning of medical services. For instance, the Kikwit, DRC, EHF outbreak in 1995
resulted in the infection of 80 health care workers and the closure of Kikwit
General Hospital for non-EHF related activities, severely limiting the availability
of medical care to the population of Kikwit (200,000), as well as surrounding areas
[26],
[29].
An additional defining characteristic of the 13 NTDs is the absence of an available
vaccine
[77].
Moran et al. previously noted that funding for development of pharmaceutical tools
for prevention or treatment is limited for many of the NTDs. For instance, of 2.5
billion US dollars devoted to research and development of new neglected disease
products, almost 80% was applied to HIV, tuberculosis, and malaria, with
approximately 2% devoted to helminths, and less than 0.1% devoted to
Buruli ulcer or trachoma
[78]. Regardless, pharmaceutical treatments and cost effective
control measures are available for most NTDs
[53],
[56], underscoring a need for
improved implementation of treatment and control efforts. Even in the absence of a
vaccine, cases of dracunculiasis (guinea worm disease) have drastically declined
through basic public health measures, and guinea-worm eradication is anticipated in
the near future
[79]. Similarly, no currently licensed vaccines or
therapeutics are available for EHF or MHF (discussed further below). While the
available funding for research and development of these products may contrast most
NTDs, the fact that effective public health measures to prevent or control EHF and
MHF are already known is consistent with the above observation for other NTDs.