Emotions are central to decision-making processes, both as an input and as an output (Han and Lerner,
2009). The decisions we make have consequences that affect our emotions, and many choices are guided by an anticipation of these emotions (Mellers,
2000). Numerous parameters, such as the probability and magnitude of potential gains and losses are key determinants of one’s emotional reaction to the outcomes of a decision (Mellers,
1997). Previous research has indicated that at least four main factors affect the type and intensity of one’s emotional response to a given outcome. First, the outcome one gets; Gains elicit happiness and satisfaction, whereas losses induce sadness and disappointment. Second, the comparison of the obtained outcome with an alternative outcome that could have been obtained under a different choice (counterfactual comparison); Individuals experience regret or relief when the outcome they receive is respectively worse or better than an alternative outcome that could have been obtained under a different choice (Zeelenberg et al.,
1998; Coricelli et al.,
2005; Van Dijk and Zeelenberg,
2005).
Third, the comparison of one’s outcome with a better or worse outcome received by someone else, like in competitive settings, elicits envy or, respectively, gloating and schadenfreude (Heider,
1958; Benzeev,
1992; Bault et al.,
2008). Individuals learn to anticipate these negative emotions and optimize their decisions to minimize their likelihood of occurrence (Coricelli and Rustichini,
2010). Effects are generally more pronounced in social compared to individual context (Bault et al.,
2008). Fourth, beyond outcomes, the procedure by which an outcome is obtained also affects an individual’s emotions (Loewenstein et al.,
1989; Cremer and Van Hiel,
2006). For instance, individuals do not react in the same way to outcomes that are generated by humans vs. computers (Van’t Wout et al.,
2006), randomly vs. intentionally (Nelissen and Zeelenberg,
2009), and whether someone can be hold responsible vs. not (Smith and Ellsworth,
1985).
An important determinant of one’s reaction to the outcome of a situation is the appraisal of justice. Perceived injustice is a primary elicitor of anger and guilt (Mikula et al.,
1998; Weiss et al.,
1999; Krehbiel and Cropanzano,
2000). Current theories of justice (Homans,
1961; Adams,
1965; Walster and Walster,
1975; Mikula and Wenzel,
2000) postulate that anger and guilt emerge in the context of disadvantageous and advantageous injustice, respectively.
An extensive body of research suggests the existence of self-serving biases in the perception of justice (Walster et al.,
1978; Messick and Sentis,
1979; Thompson and Loewenstein,
1992; Loewenstein et al.,
1993; Babcock et al.,
1995). Favorable outcomes are rated higher on both distributive and procedural fairness, and people report higher satisfaction with outcomes when they consider that either the outcomes themselves, or the procedure that arrived at these outcomes, was fair (Skitka et al.,
2003).
Studies examining the impact of outcomes and procedures on specific emotions also suggest that there may be some interactive effects (Brockner and Wiesenfeld,
1996). In two experiments, Cropanzano and colleagues found that outcome favorability affected self-ratings of happiness and disappointment, whereas anger and guilt were influenced by specific combinations of outcome favorability and procedural fairness. When an objectively unfair procedure was used, unfavorable outcomes elicited anger, whereas favorable outcome elicited guilt (Weiss et al.,
1999; Krehbiel and Cropanzano,
2000). These emotional reactions may reflect the experience of disadvantageous and advantageous injustice, respectively. These findings suggest that individuals evaluate first the favorability of outcomes, and then the fairness of the process (Copanzano and Folger,
1991; Montada,
1994; Weiss and Cropanzano,
1996). Moreover, they suggest that the appraisal of the former (distributive justice) not only interact with, but can also bias, the appraisals of the latter (procedural justice), in a self-serving manner. Unless they are provided with persuasive evidence that the process was not unfair, people are more likely to attribute unfavorable outcomes to unfair procedures (Francis-Gladney et al.,
2010). For the first time, we investigated the emotional correlates of this effect on self-reported emotions, physiological arousal and facial expressive behavior.
The present study examined the impact of random arbitration (the modification of a party’s decision using a random rule) on the emotional reactions to outcomes in a competitive gambling task. We used a simple choice task between pairs of competing gambles, similar to previous research (Coricelli et al.,
2005; Bault et al.,
2008). In reality, participants were playing against a computer that was programmed to select a different gamble than the participant in half of the trials (no-conflict trials) and the same gamble in the other half of the trials (conflict trials), in random order. Conflicts were resolved by an arbitrator attributing the chosen gamble to one of the players and the non-chosen gamble to the other player, ostensibly using a 50:50 random rule (like flipping a coin). Thus, the arbitrator either confirmed the participant’s initial choice (“pro-self-award”, 50% of the trials) or granted his choice to his opponent (“pro-competitor-award”, 50% of the trials). The gambles were then played and revealed the outcomes (50% win, 50% loss).
Our goal was to directly compare how individuals evaluate and respond to the outcomes of their decisions under three arbitration contexts: (i) no-conflict, (ii) pro-self awards (i.e., trials in which the arbitrator confirmed the participant’s decision), and (iii) pro-competitor awards (i.e., trials in which the arbitrator attributed the participant’s chosen gamble to his/her opponent).
The fact that each arbitrator was not awarding an outcome but a gamble was important in order to dissociate the effects of outcomes from the effects of arbitration and study the impact of the former on the latter. Participants were informed that the arbitrator would do a 50:50 random choice (e.g., flip a coin) to decide whose choice would prevail. Thus, the arbitration procedure itself was neither intended to be perceived as fair or unfair, nor was it intended to be perceived as advantageous or not.