Club drugs, substances associated with rave and club cultures, emerged during the 1990s and remain in use by young adults into the 21
st century. These drugs include cocaine, methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA, or “ecstasy”), methamphetamine (crystal meth), ketamine (“Special K”), d-lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD), and
gamma-hydroxybutyrate (GHB) and its derivatives (
Ramo, Grov, Delucchi, Kelly, & Parsons, 2010). Cocaine is the most widely used club drug (
Kelly, Parsons, & Wells, 2006), and its use is ubiquitous, particularly in New York City (
Community Epidemiology Work Group, 2006), where it is used in many different venues, including private residences, bars, concerts, nightclubs, and circuit parties (
Lee, Galanter, Dermitis, & McDowell, 2003;
Mattison, Ross, Wolfson, Franklin, & The San Diego HIV Neurobehavioral Research Center Group, 2001;
Riley, James, Gregory, Dingle, & Cadger, 2001). It is becoming increasingly clear that patterns of cocaine involvement are heterogeneous, having multiple pathways which have not been well classified among club drug users to date. Further, many club drug users are highly likely to use multiple illicit substances, a pattern of use associated with more profound immediate and long-term consequences (
Fendrich, Wislar, Johnson, & Hubbell, 2003;
Kelly & Parsons, 2008;
Lankenau & Clatts, 2005;
Parsons, Halkitis, & Bimbi, 2006;
Verduin, et al., 2007). Understanding longitudinal patterns of cocaine use as they relate to other substance use will aid in prevention and intervention efforts with young adults who attend nightclubs and other venues where alcohol and drugs might be combined (e.g.,
Palamar, Mukherjee, & Halkitis, 2008).
Person-centered analytic approaches are useful to help describe and understand patterns of substance use. For example, recent work by our group (
Ramo, et al., 2010) used latent class analysis to classify club drug users by types of club drugs used using cross-sectional data. We found three main patterns: Primary cocaine users (42% of sample), Mainstream users (44% of sample) who were likely to have used cocaine, MDMA and to a lesser extent ketamine recently, and Wide-range users (14% of sample) who were likely to have used cocaine, MDMA, methamphetamine, and ketamine recently. Primary cocaine users were significantly less likely to be heterosexual males and had higher educational attainment than the other two classes. Wide-range users were less likely to be heterosexual females, more likely to be gay/bisexual males, dependent on club drugs, had significantly greater drug and sexual sensation seeking, and were more likely to use when experiencing physical discomfort or pleasant times with others compared to the other two groups. It is important to extend these analyses longitudinally, in order to better characterize patterns of cocaine use and understand which factors, both drug use and personal characteristics, can predict problematic cocaine use.
Some work has evaluated cocaine use over time. Findings generally tend to indicate that use decreases over young adulthood, consistent with the developmental and maturation milestones such as getting married and starting a family. Epidemiological data indicate that rates of past-month cocaine use peak in the early 20s and show continued reductions through the 20s and 30s. For example, National Survey on Drug Use and Health data in 2009 show that in 2009, rates of past-month cocaine use are highest among those age 21 and 22 at 2%, and reduce to 1% from ages 25 to 34 (
Substance Abuse Mental Health Services Administration, 2010). An examination of cocaine use in young adulthood by delinquency groups in adolescence, showed that all groups who used cocaine as teens had reduced likelihood of cocaine use through their 20s and 30s (
Hamil-Luker, Land, & Blau, 2004). Further, an analysis of adolescents who had continued to use cocaine through young adulthood (“users;” 72%) compared to those who had stopped (“stoppers;” 28%) indicated that “stoppers” were more likely to be married and have children (
White & Bates, 1995). Although the groups had similar patterns of substance and alcohol use in adolescence, 6 years later, those who were still using cocaine had higher frequencies of alcohol, marijuana, and other drug use. Studies that have analyzed polydrug use over time have generally corroborated findings that changes in substance use happen at developmentally important stages such as leaving home and starting families (
Anderson, Ramo, Cummins, & Brown, 2010).
However, questions remain regarding patterns of cocaine use among individuals who are not legally able, in most states, to follow traditional models of leaving home and starting families, such as gay and lesbian-identified young adults, and whether polydrug use can help elucidate which pattern someone will follow. Some work has analyzed cocaine use trajectories in gay or bisexual men.
Palamar and colleagues (2008) identified patterns of cocaine use among 355 powder cocaine-using gay and bisexual men in New York City. The majority of cocaine users decreased use over a year of assessment, and men who reported using cocaine to avoid physical discomfort or to enhance pleasant times with others were more likely to decrease their frequency of use. It is unclear whether longitudinal patterns of cocaine use differ across sexual identity groups, or how these patterns relate to other substance use in more diverse samples. A greater understanding of how young adults of varying sexual identity groups use cocaine over time, and the individual characteristics associated with such use remain important foci for prevention and intervention efforts with this age group.
The present study describes and examines the latent trajectories of cocaine use over one year as they relate to sociodemographic characteristics and other substance use among a sample of club-going young adults in New York City. We hypothesized that there would be multiple patterns of cocaine use (i.e., at least two latent trajectories of use over a year), and that use of other drugs (tobacco, alcohol, marijuana, other club drugs) at baseline would be more strongly associated with heavier patterns of cocaine use. Based on previous literature, we further hypothesized that gay, lesbian, and bisexual-identified individuals would demonstrate heavier patterns of cocaine use compared to their heterosexual-identified counterparts (
Beatty, et al., 1999;
Cochran, Ackerman, Mays, & Ross, 2004;
Kelly, et al., 2006;
Parsons, Halkitis, et al., 2006;
Parsons, Kelly, & Wells, 2006), and Asian-Americans would have less frequent patterns of cocaine use than members of other ethnic groups (
Palamar, et al., 2008). Those with heavier patterns of cocaine use throughout a year were also expected to have greater likelihood of cocaine and other club drug dependence, higher levels of sexual and drug sensation seeking (
Palamar, et al., 2008;
Ramo, et al., 2010), greater levels of life stress and lower levels of coping skills (
Fava, Ruggiero, & Grimley, 1998;
McMahon, 2001), and to have higher levels of use when experiencing unpleasant emotions, physical discomfort, conflict with others, social pressures to use, and pleasant times with others (
Palamar, et al., 2008;
Ramo, et al., 2010) compared to those who were less likely to use cocaine. There were no specific a priori hypotheses as to the associations between cocaine use trajectories and educational attainment, current student status, stability of employment, or income.