When a person is challenged in their emotional or physical well-being to an extent that exceeds their ability to cope, stress ensues (
Gunnar and Quevedo 2007). Early life stress (ELS) is the exposure to a single or multiple events during childhood that exceeds the child’s coping resources and leads to prolonged phases of stress. Commonly studied early childhood stressors include physical, sexual, emotional or verbal abuse, neglect, social deprivation, disaster or household dysfunctions (including witnessing of violence, criminal activity, parental separation, parental death or illness, poverty, substance abuse) (
Brown et al. 2009).
Due to the array of stressors subsumed by the term ELS, obtaining a clear estimate of how many children experience ELS remains challenging. In 2007, 3.5 million (22.5%) children came to the attention of Child Protective Services in the United States alone. The rate of abuse and neglect, not considering household dysfunction, reached 10.6 % in 2007 (
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 2009). Due to low rates of disclosure, these figures likely underestimate the incidence of childhood trauma (
Finklehor 1994;
Pereda et al. 2009).
ELS can be studied behaviorally and biologically. While the acute activation of the body’s stress response systems is considered an adaptive mechanism that mobilizes resources to increase chances of survival, high or chronic levels of stress may disturb brain development and affect mental health (
Anda et al. 2006;
De Bellis et al. 1999a;
De Bellis et al. 1999b;
Lupien et al. 2009;
Maniglio 2009;
Pirkola et al. 2005;
Spataro et al. 2004). Although epidemiological and neurobiological studies portray a somber picture of negative outcomes following ELS (
De Bellis 2005;
Grassi-Oliveira et al. 2008;
Teicher et al. 2003;
Weber and Reynolds 2004), relatively little attention has been devoted to evaluating putative cognitive and emotional outcomes of ELS. Such knowledge could prove pivotal in tailoring early intervention and preventing long-term sequelae. In this review, we adopt a developmental approach in which we summarize recent findings on normative brain development in childhood and adolescence to assist later discussion on the disruptions of developmental trajectories of the brain following ELS.
Goals
The objective of this review was to review and integrate changes in the neurobiological pathways associated with cognitive and emotional functioning following ELS within the framework of recent longitudinal studies of normal human brain development. Priority was given to studies examining structural or functional sequelae of early adversity in conjunction with cognitive or emotional correlates. While ELS may affect an array of functions, due to space constraints, we have focused on behavioral phenotypes most widely investigated in both the psychological and neuroscientific literature so that inferences about primary pathways of early neurobiological disruptions affecting later well-being could be advanced. In the first section, recent findings of longitudinal studies in healthy samples are reviewed to identify overarching principles of normative brain development. Mechanisms potentially disrupting the trajectory of brain development in those with a history of ELS are also discussed. In the second section, we specifically focus on structural and functional changes associated with deficits in cognitive function (cognitive performance, memory, and executive functioning) and affective functions (reward processing, processing of social and affective stimuli, and emotion regulation). In each section, behavioral, neuroimaging and psychophysiological data are integrated, and selected animal findings are discussed (see other contributions in this issue for more comprehensive reviews of the animal literature on ELS). The review ends with a discussion of future directions of research on ELS.
Early life stress and psychopathology
Developmental timing The sequelae of ELS often depend on the type of adversity, the number of exposures, and, in particular, the age at the time of occurrence. For example, adults who were sexually abused in childhood after the age of 12 were 10 times more likely to develop severe symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) compared to those who experienced sexual abuse prior to the age of 12 (
Schoedl et al. 2010). Teicher and colleagues conducted extensive studies on “sensitive periods” emphasizing that the timing of ELS may especially affect those brain regions undergoing specific growth spurts at the time (
Teicher et al. 2006a,
2006b). For example, among females, experience of sexual abuse between the ages of 3–5 (and marginally between 11–13 years) was related to smaller hippocampal volume. Conversely, sexual abuse occurring between age 9–10 and 11–14 years was linked to dysfunctions in the corpus callosum and prefrontal cortex (PFC), respectively (
Andersen et al. 2008). Based on these and other data, it was concluded that brain regions with extended postnatal development are particularly vulnerable to long-term effects of stress (
Teicher et al. 2003).
While research has emphasized the outcomes of ELS on mental health, less attention has been devoted to explaining the link between cognitive and emotional sequelae of ELS and brain development. Before summarizing findings on normative brain development in childhood and adolescence, we would like to emphasize several key points relevant to understanding the limitation of the following discussion. First, neuroimaging research commonly focuses on changes in regional brain volume or cortical thickness. It should be kept in mind that while these volumetric changes are an important mean to identify possible abnormalities, little is known about the specific mechanisms underlying these changes. Disruptions in neurogenesis, myelination, and synaptic pruning are often invoked to explain structural changes, but modest empirical support exists for these claims (
Gogtay and Thompson 2010). Furthermore, while delineating structural abnormalities in single regions is an important first step for investigating cognitive and affective deficits following ELS, our limited understanding of the effects of ELS on functional connectivity and development of neural circuits remains an important challenge for the future. Lastly, throughout the review, and consistent with recent publications, we refer to primary, lower-order functions vs. complex, higher-order functions (
Gogtay and Thompson 2010;
Marsh et al 2008). This differentiation should not imply that primary brain functions are deemed as less critical, especially as they become increasingly involved in complex computations during maturation. Instead we emphasize that regional brain development mirrors the immediate needs of each developmental stage which, in turn, may help to explain the diversity in outcomes depending on the timing of ELS.