The present study identified three patterns of accumulating physical activity across life domains that replicated in two US regions: A Low Activity cluster with activity below the sample mean, an Active Leisure cluster, and an Active Job cluster. The greatest unique variation in adults' physical activity levels was observed in the leisure and occupational domains (). Consistent with other research (
Pratt et al., 2004), this suggests that adults' leisure and occupational environments may vary more in opportunities for physical activity than their home and transportation environments. The replication of all three clusters across two geographically and demographically different samples increases confidence the clusters could generalize to other US regions. However, the limits of generalizability remain to be tested.
The Low Activity and Active Leisure clusters were similar on all demographic variables measured (), but Low Activity adults had the lowest accelerometer-measured activity, consistent with their poorer health indicators. Psychosocial and built environment characteristics may help explain the underlying mechanisms behind these two clusters. Compared to the Active Leisure cluster, the Low Activity cluster had less family and friend support for exercise, fewer perceived exercise benefits and more barriers, and less exercise enjoyment. Among built environmental variables, the Low Activity cluster reported less attractive neighborhood aesthetics, fewer convenient neighborhood exercise facilities, less home exercise equipment, and less proximity and access to non-residential land uses such as restaurants and stores. Thus, Active Leisure adults were differentiated from Low Activity adults by modifiable psychosocial and environmental factors, rather than immutable demographics. These findings are consistent with research showing multiple environmental correlates of physical activity (
Saelens & Handy, 2008;
Sallis et al., 2006;
Sallis, Bowles, et al., 2009;
Wen & Zhang, 2009). These findings are also consistent with ecological models indicating that social and built environments may increase physical activity by “automatically” engineering opportunities to cue and reinforce physical activity (
Hovell, Wahlgren, & Adams, 2009). Although evidence of the direction of influence between environmental characteristics and physical activity is limited, several longitudinal and experimental studies concur with these findings, and suggest that Low Activity adults may benefit from neighborhoods containing activity-supportive facilities, positive aesthetics, and opportunities for social interaction (
Handy, Cao, & Mokhtarian, 2008;
Wing & Jeffery, 1999). More longitudinal and experimental studies are needed to clarify if establishing activity-supportive environments across multiple life domains could increase Low Activity adults' total physical activity.
The Active Leisure cluster was validated by the highest levels of accelerometer-measured physical activity, and exhibited the most positive outcomes for BMI and self-rated health. Not surprisingly, members of this cluster had the highest psychosocial and built environment support for physical activity. Although higher than the other clusters, Active Leisure adults averaged less than 3 mins/day of accelerometer-measured vigorous activity, suggesting a need to expand social and built environment cues and reinforcers already operating for this cluster to achieve recommended levels of vigorous activity (
Hovell et al., 2009). Tailored interventions might expand the range of higher-intensity physical activity modes (e.g., running, aerobics) and settings for activity (e.g., fitness clubs, classes) to increase opportunities for such cues and reinforcement. These strategies are consistent with evidence suggesting that engaging in multiple activity modes increases total physical activity (
Bowles, Merom, Chey, Smith, & Bauman, 2007).
The Active Job cluster was more likely to be male and have lower education and income than members of other clusters. Active Job adults exhibited a large discrepancy between their high self-reported occupational activity and lower accelerometer-measured activity, which may indicate over-reporting of occupational activity or limitations of accelerometers for capturing occupational activities. The Active Job cluster's BMI was similar to the Low Activity cluster and higher than the Active Leisure cluster. Similarly, their scores on psychosocial and built environmental support paralleled the Low Activity cluster but were lower than the Active Leisure cluster. These findings suggest that Active Job adults may have more prompts for sedentary than for active behaviors when not engaged in active work. Active Job adults may also have fewer economic resources to invest in physical activity than members of other clusters. Workplace and community policies that provide economic incentives and opportunities for physical activity in the leisure and transport domains may increase Active Job adults' physical activity outside of work. Policies supporting financial incentives for exercise, subsidies for exercise facilities, and paid time for non-work-related physical activity may be beneficial (
Finkelstein, Brown, Brown, & Buchner, 2008;
Lucove, Huston, & Evenson, 2007).
Few participants reported substantial transport-related activity (), consistent with reports of two cars per average family in this study, and other studies in automobile-oriented cities (
Aytur, Rodriguez, Evenson, Catellier, & Rosamond, 2007). The Active Leisure and Active Job clusters reported significantly more transport-related activity than the Low Activity group. However, even in a study designed to oversample adults living in walkable neighborhoods, active transportation still contributed modestly to total physical activity for most adults. More extensive transit systems and more workplaces and destinations within walking or cycling distance to homes may be needed to detect an active transport cluster (
Heath et al., 2006;
Pratt et al., 2004;
Saelens & Handy, 2008).
Home-based physical activity was relatively low among all identified clusters. Evidence suggests that residential settings can be engineered to prompt more physical activity through establishing community gardens (
Armstrong, 2000), reducing access to electric devices (
Pratt et al., 2004), and reducing elevator access in multi-story residences (
Shenassa, Frye, Braubach, & Daskalis, 2008). Residential interventions may be more effective if they emphasize social, economic, and health-related incentives for increasing physical activity (
Hovell et al., 2009).
Strengths of the present study included use of validated and standardized measures, objective accelerometer measurement, and replication of the clusters across large samples from two U.S. regions with divergent characteristics. A limitation suggested by discrepancies between the accelerometer and IPAQ data is that the IPAQ may lead to substantial over-reporting of physical activity, consistent with other studies (
Johnson-Kozlow, Sallis, Gilpin, Rock, & Pierce, 2006;
Rzewnicki, Auweele, & De Bourdeaudhuij, 2003). Contributing to discrepancies, accelerometers underestimate activities at low or high speeds, and those that involve limited trunk movement or carrying heavy loads (
Freedson & Miller, 2000). Future studies would benefit from incorporating more objective measures of health status, and exploring the replicability of the clusters across more diverse regions and more representative samples. The sample was higher income, Caucasian, limited to employed adults, and unrepresentative of national census data. This was an exploratory study for the purpose of hypothesis-generation, and results require further confirmation with more diverse groups.
The present study suggested that many members of all clusters could benefit from greater psychosocial and built environment support to meet recommended physical activity levels. While all clusters reported less than optimal levels of environmental support for physical activity (), the small, but consistently higher levels of support for the Active Leisure cluster were accompanied by higher accelerometer-measured physical activity and lower BMI in this cluster. Effect sizes indicated that the average difference between the Active Leisure and the other clusters was equivalent to a medium effect for psychosocial support and small effect for built environment support. This suggests that even small increases in psychosocial and built environment support might increase physical activity among the other clusters. Future research should explore the effects of different magnitudes, types, and combinations of environmental support on sustaining active living among diverse subgroups (
Pratt et al., 2004;
Sallis et al., 2006).