Rates of adolescent pregnancy and motherhood, for all age groups and ethnicities within the United States, are at their lowest levels in recent history. Pregnancy and motherhood rates for adolescents 15–19 years of age have declined 36 and 34%, respectively, since 1991 (Martin et al.,
2007; The Alan Guttmacher Institute,
2006). Yet, even with this substantial decline, rates of adolescent pregnancy and motherhood in the United States are still among the highest in industrialized nations, with 7.5% of adolescents becoming pregnant each year and over 4% becoming mothers (Hoffman,
2006; Martin et al.,
2007). These numbers are considered in view of recent data showing a 3% overall increase in the number of adolescent births during 2006, the first time an increase has occurred in 15 years (Hamilton, Martin, & Ventura,
2007). Although the reasons for this increase in adolescent births are unknown, this result is especially troublesome because adolescent motherhood is known to be associated with poverty (Furstenberg, Brooks-Gunn, & Morgan,
1987; Moore et al.,
1993), fewer years of maternal education (Hofferth, Reid, & Mott,
2001; Nord, Moore, Morrison, Brown, & Myers,
1992), and rapid-repeat pregnancies (Boardman, Allsworth, Phipps, & Lapane,
2006). In addition, children of adolescent mothers are more likely to face cognitive and academic impairment, increased behavior problems, and a greater likelihood of becoming an adolescent parent themselves (Brooks-Gunn & Furstenberg,
1986; Corcoran,
1998; Furstenberg et al.,
1987). At its current level, adolescent motherhood is estimated to cost 9.1 billion dollars annually (Hoffman,
2006). Given this inordinate public health impact, there is continued impetus to understand comprehensively the various pathways to adolescent pregnancy and motherhood in order for intervention and prevention programs to be at maximum efficacy.
A comprehensive picture of adolescent pregnancy risk factors includes (a) cognitive or attitudinal vulnerabilities such as positive or ambivalent attitudes toward sex and childbearing, perceived invulnerability to pregnancy, a lack of contraception knowledge, perceived parental approval of birth control use, and low educational and occupational expectations (Anda et al.,
2001; Jaccard & Dittus,
2000; Miller,
2002; Polacsek, Celentano, O’Campo, & Santelli,
1999; Quinlivan, Tan, Steele, & Black,
2004; Stevens-Simon, Kelly, Singer, & Cox,
1996); (b) romantic partner characteristics such as being in a relationship with a violent romantic partner, dating older boyfriends, having early and high levels of seriousness with boyfriends, and difficulty negotiating the use of birth control with a partner (Berry, Shillington, Peak, & Hohman,
2000; Brazzell & Acock,
1988; Marin, Coyle, Gomez, Carvajal, & Kirby,
2000; Polacsek et al.,
1999; Salazar et al.,
2004; Santelli et al.,
2004; Silverman, Raj, Mucci, & Hathaway,
2001; Whitbeck, Yoder, Hoyt, & Conger,
1999); and (c) familial and contextual factors such as socioeconomic status, single-parent families, family violence, having an older, sexually active sibling or pregnant/parenting adolescent sister, low maternal education, lack of parental warmth and supervision, parental approval of sex, contraception, early dating, and low perceived support from parents and peers (Berry et al.,
2000; Chandy, Blum, & Resnick,
1996; Connolly, Furman, & Konarski,
2000; East & Jacobson,
2001; Jaccard & Dittus,
2000; Meschke, Zweig, Barber, & Eccles,
2000; Mezzich et al.,
1999; Miller, Benson, & Galbraith,
2001; Miller, McCoy, & Olson,
1986; Quinlivan et al.,
2004; Santelli, Lowry, Brener, & Robin,
2000; Scaramella, Conger, Simons, & Whitbeck,
1998; Sieving et al.,
2001). Despite intervention efforts addressing these identified risk factors, adolescent pregnancy continues at a high rate and remains a significant social concern.
There are several plausible explanations for the persisting high rates of adolescent pregnancy and motherhood, such as additional, unidentified risk factors explaining a large proportion of adolescents who become pregnant. One area that has received considerable attention is whether individuals who experienced childhood maltreatment (sexual, physical, and emotional abuse) show higher rates of adolescent pregnancy and motherhood in comparison to their non-maltreated counterparts. Childhood sexual abuse (CSA), in particular, has received much of the focus, perhaps due to the sexual nature of the act and the considerable literature regarding sexual disturbances and distortions, greater pregnancy desire or intent, earlier age of intercourse, multiple sexual partners, and concerns about infertility that have been studied as developmental sequelae of CSA (Boyer & Fine,
1992; Butler & Burton,
1990; Noll, Trickett, & Putnam,
2003; Rainey, Stevens-Simon, & Kaplan,
1995; Raj, Silverman, & Amaro,
2000; Stevens-Simons & Reichert,
1994). While there have been several studies linking child maltreatment and adolescent pregnancy (Fiscella, Kitzman, Cole, Sidora, & Olds,
1998; Kellogg, Hoffman, & Taylor,
1999; Smith,
1996), there remains considerable controversy in this literature because studies report inconsistent findings or a lack of relationship between abuse and adolescent pregnancy or motherhood (Adams & East,
1999; Widom & Kuhns,
1996).
In a comprehensive literature review, Blinn-Pike et al. (
2002) examined previous studies to determine the connection between childhood maltreatment and adolescent pregnancy. The authors used explicit inclusion criteria that included a clear definition of maltreatment involving physical, sexual, or emotional abuse, or all, and limited their search criteria to empirical studies published between 1980 and 2000. The search yielded 15 published articles and, based on their review, Blinn-Pike et al. (
2002) concluded that a causal link between child maltreatment and adolescent pregnancy could not be determined because of conflicting results in the literature and methodological limitations such as cross-sectional designs and retrospective methods of data collection.
The current article sought to build on issues raised in the review of Blinn-Pike et al.. First, we focused explicitly on CSA in order to provide homogeneity with regard to the group of “maltreated children.” Second, we used meta-analysis to empirically derive estimates about the relationship between CSA and adolescent pregnancy instead of relying solely on an impressionistic review of the literature. Our primary meta-analysis relied on well-designed studies that included adequate comparison groups in order to evaluate stringently the relationship between CSA and rates of adolescent pregnancy in direct comparison to non-abused adolescent peers. We supplemented this primary analysis by executing a secondary analysis that included studies without relevant control conditions in order to provide a comprehensive analysis of the largest number of extant studies examining the topic. Finally, we included studies that have been published subsequent to the original review of Blinn-Pike et al. (
2002) to ensure the most up-to-date findings. It should be noted that, by and large, the adolescent pregnancy literature [including the review of Blinn-Pike et al. (
2002)] makes little distinction between adolescent pregnancy and adolescent motherhood and the two terms often are used interchangeably. Although these two outcomes are highly distinctive and each is associated with differing long-term sequelae for women, we found it very difficult to focus exclusively on one or the other, given that many of the study designs and operational definitions made it difficult to disaggregate the two outcomes. In order to be consistent with the literature and to avoid arbitrarily excluding relevant studies based solely on the operational definitions (or lack thereof) of outcomes, we combined studies that examined adolescent pregnancy, studies of adolescent motherhood, and studies that did not make a distinction between the two, in the present meta-analyses. Henceforth, the term adolescent pregnancy is used to describe the outcome of interest with full acknowledgement that this term is inclusive of both adolescent pregnancy and adolescent motherhood.