The results from this analysis support the inverse association between price and cigarette smoking in Europe. This study shows that on average across the European countries smoking consumption decreases by 7.4% (and by 4.6%) for a 10.0% increase in the price of foreign (and local) brand cigarettes. This is consistent with previous studies analysing time series data from individual countries worldwide,
2,6,7,8,9,10,11,12,13,14,15,16,17,18,19 and in broad agreement with an early cross sectional analyses of some European countries.
7,21The model used assumes constant price elasticity across different prices, but when comparing the price elasticity between countries according to GDP‐PPP, we found a stronger effect on consumption in richer countries. This is consistent with the suggestion by Lance
et al,
20 that in poorer countries the effect of price is smaller, but from this analysis in countries with a low GDP‐PPP still an increase of 10% in prices would lead to a 4% decrease in consumption.
There are some limitations in our study. First of all, the lack of information, particularly in poorer countries, either on annual cigarette consumption, or on price of cigarettes, or on annual per capita consumption, or on smoking prevalence did not allow to consider all the European countries in the analyses.
Another potential weakness of our study was the impossibility to consider information on detailed tobacco control policies on a country level as well as on smuggling. Although therefore annual per adult cigarette consumption was derived from official tobacco sales, analyses on consumption could be biased by the heterogeneous proportion of smuggling on cigarette sales among European countries. Smuggling has been widespread over the last two decades in several countries, including Spain, Italy, Austria, Germany, Greece and most Eastern European countries, accounting for 10–40% of cigarette sales.
26 These were countries with relatively low taxes and low prices, but for reasons related to distribution networks and other factors facilitating smuggling, these countries were targeted by smugglers.
26,27,28 The large disagreement between the high smoking prevalence and the low estimate of cigarette consumption in Albania (table 1) gives a good example on how consumption can be influenced by smuggling. In fact, official data from the Albanian Ministry of Finance showed that approximately 40% of tobacco products were smuggled in Albania.
29 Moreover, the limited available data on smuggling are often unreliable, and the proportion of smuggling on cigarette sales can change rapidly. As an example, in Italy tobacco smuggling has been considered to cover 10–20% of the tobacco trades in 2000,
26 but a recent survey showed that in 2004 it decreased to less than 5%.
30 Similarly, in Spain, smuggling covered 30% of all tobacco sales in 1993,
31 declined to 15% in 1995,
27 and to 5% in 1999.
10,28As an indicator of the different phases of the tobacco epidemic,
23,25 we chose the male to female smoking prevalence ratio in order to mitigate the biases given by the different choice of age groups included in various European surveys. According to the model by Lopez
et al,
25 a higher male to female smoking prevalence ratio is an indicator of an early stage of the tobacco epidemic. In our data male to female smoking prevalence ratio was correlated both with annual per adult cigarette consumption (r

=

0.48), with GDP‐PPP (r

=

0.46) and with smoking prevalence (r

=

−0.40). To test whether the male to female prevalence ratio was useful as an indicator of the stage of the epidemic, we added an interaction term with price to the model, which gave a coefficient of −0.009 (95% CI −0.023 to 0.005) for the domestic brand, and −0.003 (95% CI −0.007 to 0.0002) for the foreign brand. This indicates that the male to female prevalence ratio is an acceptable proxy for the stage of the epidemic in western and central Europe, although this may not apply to Russia and South‐East Asia.
23For an addictive substance such as nicotine, the individual's current consumption levels will be determined by his or her past consumption levels as well as by the current price. This relation between past and current consumption has important implications for modelling the impact of price rises on demand for tobacco. The economic literature suggested that a real and permanent price increase corresponds to a decrease on demand approximately twice as large in the long run as compared to the short run.
17,32Some studies suggested that smokers of lower socioeconomic class were more responsive to changes in the price of cigarettes.
3,6,33,34,35,36,37 This gives further importance to the use of economic aspects as a strategy of intervention in several countries, including Italy,
38,39 Spain,
40,41 the Netherlands
42 and the UK,
43 in which, for both sexes, a progressive disadvantage in terms of smoking prevalence for the low‐educated categories was found.
38,44What this paper adds
Economic aspects are considered as one of the most important prevention strategies for smoking cessation and against smoking initiation and consumption. Price elasticities (that is, the percent change in cigarette consumption for a 1% change in cigarette price) are usually estimated for individual countries with time series data.
Estimating price elasticity for smoking from ecological cross‐sectional data at one period of time from different European countries, smoking consumption decreases 5–7% for a 10% increase in the real price of cigarettes. The results from this analysis support the inverse association between price and cigarette smoking found in several studies from developed countries.
Economic aspects also may deter smoking initiation, since younger generations tend to be more sensitive to cigarette prices.
2,36,45 The meta‐analysis by Gallet and List
2 showed a price elasticity of −1.43 for teenagers, −0.76 for young adults, and −0.32 for adults. Another study showed that price elasticity highly influenced smoking prevalence in the youth (price elasticity −1.4), and relatively less in the adult population (price elasticity nearly −0.2).
37 Another study conducted on a cohort of 18 year old subjects from the United States showed how, through large‐scale multimedia campaigns and a 1US$ increase in the price per pack of cigarettes, smoking prevalence could be reduced by 26% and would result in an annual saving of more than 100

000 lives and 1.6 million years of potential life lost.
46 Finally, analysing longitudinal data on young adults, Tauras
47 found a price elasticity for cessation of −0.35, suggesting that a significant increase in cigarette excise taxes may be one of the most effective means to reduce premature death and disease in the United States.
47 The issue of price and cessation in the young is, however, still open to discussion, since young adults are more frequently occasional smokers,
48 and could therefore be less influenced by prices.
13 This line of reasoning could be extended to women, and could explain, at least in part, the gender‐specific differences found in the impact of price on smoking initiation and cessation, women being less sensitive to cigarette prices.
2,49In some European countries, including the United Kingdom, Spain and Italy, the average real price of cigarettes, standardised by GDP, is today appreciably lower (almost one half) as compared to that of 30 years ago.
9,10,50 This suggests that a considerable increase of taxation is possible, socially acceptable and likely to be effective in several countries.
50,51 Increment of taxes could be allocated for tobacco control and prevention of tobacco‐related diseases. As an example, nowadays in Italy, no revenue from tobacco products is spent for tobacco control,
9 as compared to a mean of about US$3.5 per capita in 2001 in the United States.
52,53 Last but not least, increasing taxes is the best strategy giving to governments a real profit, at least in the short run.
1,5