Individual differences in impulse control and taking risks has been recognized in psychology for some time (
Benthin, Slovic, & Severson, 1993). Perhaps one of the classic examples of individual differences reported in these abilities in the social, cognitive and developmental psychology literature is delay of gratification (
Mischel, Shoda, & Rodriguez, 1989). Delay of gratification is typically assessed in 3- to 4-year-old toddlers. The toddler is asked whether they would prefer a small reward (one cookie) or a large reward (two cookies). The child is then told that the experimenter will leave the room in order to prepare for upcoming activities and explains to the child that if she remains in her seat and does not eat a cookie, she will receive the large reward. If the child does nor or cannot wait, she should ring a bell to summon the experimenter and thereby receive the smaller reward. Once it is clear the child understands the task, she is seated at the table with the two rewards and the bell. Distractions in the room are minimized, with no toys, books or pictures. The experimenter returns after 15 min or after the child has rung the bell, eaten the rewards, or shown any signs of distress. Mischel showed that children typically behave in one of two ways: (1) either they ring the bell almost immediately in order to have the cookie, which means they only get one; or (2) they wait and optimize their gains, and receive both cookies. This observation suggests that some individuals are better than others in their ability to control impulses in the face of highly salient incentives and this bias can be detected in early childhood (
Mischel et al., 1989) and they appear to remain throughout adolescence and young adulthood (
Eigsti et al., 2006).
What might explain individual differences in optimal decision-making and behavior? Some theorists have postulated that dopaminergic mesolimbic circuitry, implicated in reward processing, underlies risky behavior. Individual differences in this circuitry, such as allelic variants in dopamine-related genes, resulting in too little or too much dopamine in subcortical regions, might relate to the propensity to engage in risky behavior (
O’Doherty, 2004). The nucleus accumbens has been shown to increase in activity immediately prior to making risky choices on monetary-risk paradigms (
Kuhnen & Knutson, 2005;
Matthews et al., 2004;
Montague & Berns, 2002) and as described previously, adolescents show exaggerated accumbens activity to rewarding outcomes relative to children or adults (
Ernst et al., 2005;
Galvan et al., 2006). Collectively, these data suggest that adolescents may be more prone to risky choices as a group (
Gardener & Steinberg, 2005), but some adolescents will be more prone than others to engage in risky behaviors, putting them at potentially greater risk for negative outcomes. Therefore it is important to consider individual variability when examining complex brain–behavior relationships related to risk-taking and reward processing in developmental populations.
To explore individual differences in risk-taking behavior,
Galvan et al. (2007) recently examined the association between activity in reward-related neural circuitry in anticipation of a large monetary reward with personality trait measures of risk-taking and impulsivity in adolescence. Functional magnetic resonance imaging and anonymous self-report rating scales of risky behavior, risk perception and impulsivity were acquired in individuals between the ages of 7 and 29 years. There was a positive association between accumbens activity and the likelihood of engaging in risky behavior across development. This activity varied as a function of individuals’ ratings of anticipated positive or negative consequences of such behavior. Those individuals who perceived risky behaviors as leading to dire consequences, activated the accumbens less to reward. This association was driven largely by the children, with the adults rating the consequences of such behavior as possible. Impulsivity ratings were not associated with accumbens activity, but rather with age. These findings suggest that during adolescence, some individuals may be more prone to engage in risky behaviors due to developmental changes in concert with variability in a given individual’s predisposition to engage in risky behavior, rather than to simple changes in impulsivity (see ).
Adolescent behavior has repeatedly been characterized as impulsive and risky (
Steinberg, 2004,
2007), yet this review of the imaging literature suggests different neurobiological substrates and different developmental trajectories for these behaviors. Specifically, impulsivity is associated with immature ventral prefrontal development and gradually diminishes from childhood to adulthood (
Casey, Galvan et al., 2005). The negative correlation between impulsivity ratings and age in the study by
Galvan et al. (2007) further supports this notion. In contrast, risk-taking is associated with an increase in accumbens activity (
Kuhnen & Knutson, 2005;
Matthews et al., 2004;
Montague & Berns, 2002), that is exaggerated in adolescents, relative to children and adults (
Ernst et al., 2005;
Galvan et al., 2006). Thus adolescent choices and behavior cannot be explained by impulsivity or protracted development of the prefrontal cortex alone, as children would then be predicted to be greater risk takers. The findings provide a neural basis for why some adolescents are at greater risk than others, but further provide a basis for how adolescent behavior is different from children and adults in risk-taking.
Collectively, these data suggest that although adolescents as a group are considered risk takers (
Gardener & Steinberg, 2005), some adolescents will be more prone than others to engage in risky behaviors, putting them at potentially greater risk for negative outcomes. These findings underscore the importance of considering individual variability when examining complex brain–behavior relationships related to risk-taking and reward processing in developmental populations. Further, these individual and developmental differences may help explain vulnerability in some individuals to risk-taking associated with substance use, and ultimately, addiction.