Perceptions of risk are a key element of most theories explaining why individuals engage in risky behavior, including cigarette use (Ajzen, 1985, Bandura, 1994; Fishbein and Ajzen, 1975, Gerrard et al., 1996; Gerrard et al., 2003; Kanfer, 1970, Rosenstock, 1974, Triandis, 1977). In general, adolescents understand that there are risks associated with smoking (Leventhal et al., 1987; Jamieson and Romer, 2001; Arnett, 2000), but most adolescents who smoke believe they can avoid becoming addicted and experiencing negative physical health outcomes (Arnett, 2000; Leventhal et al., 1987; Slovic, 1998; Slovic, 2001). More recently, research has examined other factors hypothesized to be of importance in maintaining risk behavior. First, perceived benefits have been recognized as being of equal or greater importance than perceived risks in understanding risky behavior, including cigarette use (Benthin et al., 1993; Goldberg et al., 2002; Halpern-Felsher et al., 2004; Parsons et al., 1997; Prochaska et al., 1992; Prochaska and Velicer, 1992). Second, research has examined adolescents’ perceptions of short-term outcomes of smoking (Gritz et al., 2003; Halpern-Felsher et al., 2004; Prokhorov et al., 2002), which may be of greater importance in determining behavior than potential long-term outcomes (Halpern-Felsher et al., 2007). Third, researchers have recognized the importance of both physiological processes (e.g., pleasurable rush or buzz, relaxation; Eissenberg and Balster, 2000; Pomerleau et al., 1998) and social processes (e.g., looking cool, having more friends; Epstein et al., 2000; Nichter et al., 2007; Rugkasa et al., 2001) in determining smoking behavior.

Existing literature has examined perceptions of benefits and costs among adolescents with varying degrees of smoking experience. Perceived social benefits to smoking are associated with increases in smoking involvement over time (Epstein et al., 2000). In one study, perceived benefits of risk taking, including cigarette smoking, were associated with increases in risk taking over a 3-month period, while perceived costs were not associated with changes in risk taking over time (Parsons et al., 1997). Adolescents who have tried smoking view potential costs (e.g., friends don’t like smokers) as less important than adolescents who have never tried smoking, while potential benefits (e.g., feeling grown-up) are viewed as equally important by each group (Urberg and Robbins, 1981). In addition, some research suggests that girls are more likely than boys to rate benefits (e.g., smoking shows that you do what you want) and costs (e.g., smoking makes your parents mad) as important in considering whether or not to smoke (Urberg and Robbins, 1981). In an earlier study of the present sample, adolescents who had tried smoking by the fall of 9^th grade were more likely to perceive benefits of smoking and less likely to perceive costs of smoking in comparison to adolescents who had never smoked (Halpern-Felsher et al., 2004). In addition, adolescents with greater experience puffing on cigarettes were more likely to perceive benefits and less likely to perceive costs of smoking. Collectively, the above studies suggest that perceived benefits may prompt adolescents to experiment with cigarette use, while perceived costs may be discounted. The studies also suggest that gender and level of smoking experience may influence perceived consequences of cigarette use.

What is notably missing from the literature on adolescent experimentation with cigarette use is whether perceived benefits and costs of smoking are actually experienced by adolescents who have smoked. The present study examines the short-term positive and negative physiological and social consequences that 9^th and 10^th grade adolescents report subsequent to experimenting with cigarette use.

Table 2 shows the percentage of adolescents reporting positive and negative consequences at the first time point they reported smoking. Percentages are shown within the total sample of adolescents and separately by gender and smoking group. Ten percent of adolescents reported only experiencing negative consequences, 11% reported only positive consequences, 45% reported both negative and positive consequences, and 34% reported no consequences (not shown in table). Table 2 shows logistic regressions of consequences on gender and smoking group. Only one gender difference emerged: male adolescents were more likely than female adolescents to report getting into trouble as a result of cigarette use. Many differences in reported consequences emerged between adolescents who smoked whole cigarettes versus puffed on cigarettes. Adolescents who smoked whole cigarettes were more likely to report any positive consequences of smoking, including feeling relaxed, feeling that they looked cool, and feeling that they looked grown-up. They were also more likely to report any negative consequences of smoking, including having trouble catching their breath, getting into trouble, and having their friends become upset with them. No interactions between gender and smoking group emerged in predicting consequences of cigarette use.

As one might expect, greater levels of smoking experience were associated with greater likelihood of experiencing negative consequences. In comparison to adolescents who reported only puffing on cigarettes, adolescents who reported smoking whole cigarettes were more likely to report any negative consequence of smoking, including having trouble catching their breath, getting into trouble, and having their friends become upset with them. Each increment in puffing or smoking experience was associated with greater likelihood of reporting negative consequences. This pattern was also observed with respect to adolescents’ experience of positive consequences. In comparison to adolescents who reported only puffing on cigarettes, adolescents who reported smoking whole cigarettes were more likely to report any positive consequence of smoking, including feeling relaxed, looking cool, and looking grown-up. Each increment in puffing or smoking experience was associated with greater likelihood of reporting positive consequences. We do not know when adolescents first experienced the consequences of smoking that they reported and whether they were still experiencing these consequences at the time they completed the survey. It may be that each increment in level of experimentation with smoking conferred a greater likelihood of experiencing positive consequences. Alternatively, those adolescents who experienced initial positive consequences of smoking may have been more likely to progress to greater levels of use. This latter interpretation is consistent with research showing that perceived benefits of smoking are associated with increases in smoking over time (Epstein et al., 2000). Positive consequences of smoking may thus reinforce smoking behavior.

It is possible that experiencing positive consequences is more salient to adolescents than experiencing negative consequences, and that negative consequences may not be enough of a deterrent from smoking when positive consequences also occur (Slovic et al., 2004; Slovic, 2003). This interpretation of data is consistent with research showing that perceived costs are not associated with changes in risk taking over time (Parsons et al., 1997; Tucker et al., 2003) and that smokers view potential costs of smoking as less important than do nonsmokers (Urberg and Robbins, 1981). Future studies should examine whether positive consequences of smoking indeed explain why adolescents incrementally increase their level of experimentation with cigarette use, and whether adolescents who experience positive consequences disregard concurrently experienced negative consequences.

In the present study, each increment in puffing or smoking experience was associated with greater likelihood of experiencing both positive consequences (i.e., benefits) and negative consequences (i.e., costs) of smoking. We can compare this finding with prior research from our laboratory that focused on perceptions of benefits and costs among adolescents. At the first assessment during the fall of 9^th grade, each increment in puffing experience among adolescents who had tried smoking was associated with greater likelihood of perceiving benefits and lower likelihood of perceiving costs of smoking (Halpern-Felsher et al., 2004). The distinction between perceptions of benefits and costs and actual experience of benefits and costs is thus important with respect to understanding adolescent experimentation with cigarette use. There may be a disconnect between perceptions and actual experience of costs among adolescents who are experimenting with cigarette use, such that adolescents acknowledge they experience costs but do not always adjust their general perceptions of the costs associated with cigarette use. Future research should examine whether there is a disconnect between perceptions and experience, and whether this apparent disconnect promotes continued experimentation with cigarette use and eventual habitual patterns of use.

The few observed gender differences in the present study suggest that consequences of experimentation may sometimes reinforce girls’ smoking behavior and punish boys’ smoking behavior. Among those adolescents who initially reported smoking whole cigarettes, each increment in smoking experience was associated with greater likelihood that girls, but not boys, reported looking cool and grown-up. Independent of smoking group (only puffed versus smoked whole cigarettes) or incremental level of smoking whole cigarettes, boys were more likely than girls to report getting into trouble as a result of smoking.