The amateur notions of the 'gentleman sport' have been surpassed by the need for effectiveness and efficiency in order to maintain the constant improvement of sports performance. Activities once unacceptable – e.g. being coached or trained [
1] – have become norms. Harold Abrahams' gold in the 1924 Olympics 100 metres sprint stood out for the professionalism of his preparation, which included systematic training and hiring a coach [
2], it would be unusual not to take this course of action today. The athlete body is now seen as a highly specialised 'tool' that is altered for maximal performance [
3]. Scientists constantly seek ways to improve sports performance. In the early years of training, activities were aimed to refine skills and perfect techniques; the paradigm shift from fixed to expendable capacities, hence to performance enhancement, had not occurred until the cold war era [
4]. Athletes today are expected and encouraged to seek every possible way to improve their performance, including specialised training, hi-tech design of equipment and apparel, scientific and medical support, including the use of nutritional supplements [
5]. Being a high performing athlete is a profession that requires dedication, long-term commitment and sacrifice [
6].
Although there are many ways to put strain on health during the athletic career (e.g. excess training, injuries or disordered eating), the greatest concern to sport governing bodies is the chemical alteration of athletic performance [
7,
8]. The intriguing question here is what compels athletes to risk their health or reputation for outstanding sports performance and what factors make athletes vulnerable to doping and at which point of their careers.
Among personality factors, low self-esteem and high trait anxiety [
9] were found to be contributing factors to doping among preadolescents, but a reversed pattern was observed in high school athletes, where substance users appeared to be less anxious and more self-confident than their non-user counterparts [
10].
Engagement in risky behaviours outside the sporting context and using nutritional supplements have been found to increase the likelihood of doping [
9,
11,
12] and self-efficacy in risky situations [
12] has been linked to prohibited substance use. In terms of predicting behavioural outcome, attitude and beliefs usually correlate significantly with doping behaviour [
12,
13] and in many cases, behavioural intention was found to be the strongest predictor [
9,
12,
14]. Strelan and Boeckmann's model of hypothetical doping use posits that personal moral beliefs and health concerns act as preventing factors, whereas drug testing and sanctioning have little deterrent effect [
15]. Interestingly, in a search for predicting factors of steroid use, no significant difference was found in the characteristics of the steroid users and those who were offered but reportedly declined the drug [
16].
Athletes' self-reported reasons for taking performance enhancing substances are mainly related to achieving better performance or inner desire to win [
10,
17-
26], improving appearance [
22,
25], perceived external pressure [
17,
23,
25], and fear that competitors have a chemically or medically enhanced, unfair advantage [
27-
29]. Painkilling drugs and other doping agents are also viewed as a necessary means to overcome injuries [
17,
26,
30-
32]. Athletes may also use doping as a means to cope with the extraneous physical demands of training and competition [
29]. Whilst most athletes would prefer to compete drug-free, those who are involved in high level sport competitions tend to agree that doping is a necessary add-on to competitive sport [
22]. Many athletes are inclined to use doping provided that the drug is undetectable [
31,
33], while others do not see doping as a 'problem', to them it is a part of their normal training regime [
34,
35]. Availability or access to performance enhancing drugs is perceived by athletes as a barrier they must overcome if they are determined to use such means [
36]. A recent study among adolescent athletes from all levels shows that almost half of the athletes had paid for the drug whereas for approximately 10–14%, the drug was offered by a friend, parent or family doctor [
10].
The degree of rationality in doping decision making is highly debated [
37]. Economic models of doping mainly assume that athletes act according to economic rationality. The literature in this area [
38-
42] considers doping as a special case of a
prisoners' dilemma [
43], where one actor's action has consequence for both actors and the best collective strategy is difficult to reach due to lack of information on, and trust for, the other actor's decision. To translate the dilemma into sports, athletes' best case would be to compete at doping-free events. However, the widespread suspicions and speculations about other athletes' possible actions, coupled with the lack of information about the others' doping behaviours have the potential to bias most athletes in favour of doping: game-theoretic modelling suggests that the majority of competitors are likely to see doping as their best option and, under certain circumstances, the only feasible strategy to ensure winning [
41].
Whilst economic models of doping have ignored individual dispositions toward doping when it comes to decision making, they emphasise the importance of a broader situational context, within which decisions are not only made on individual preferences but in consideration of others' actions. Existing behavioural doping models have made attempts to incorporate personality, decision making rationality and situational context, including peer group and subculture influences [
44-
50]. Many of them have touched upon attitudes and other important factors contributing to doping but with a few exceptions [
13,
18], there has been little attempt at empirical model building or testing.